Why We Draw: Caves

It is fitting that the oldest known drawings lie in caves. Those, dark protected dream-land places feel right for the oldest drawings. In caves people have to supply the light. All caves are to some degree dangerous. They have to explored and whatever light you bring in is not guaranteed to last the journey.

Despite the wonder that these caves ignite it is believed that most late paleolithic drawings existed outside of the caves.1 Drawing practice, in the same sense would have been easier to develop in the sunlight.

In the arid American Southwest petroglyphs as well as pictographs drawn on canyon walls and exposed rock shelters are relatively numerous. In the more humid, temperate regions of the East and Midwest, however, that art has mostly succumbed to freeze thaw cycles long ago. Though exposed drawings exist on the rock faces France’s Vézère Valley most, like their American counterparts, have washed into the soils below them.

The accomplishment of the Lascaux, Altemera and Chauvet drawings are well known. What is less well know is that they are an exception. Most cave art, according to a recent work on the subject, looks like “the work of a third grader.”2

But, Here, the point of resting our attention on the drawings of the European late Pleistocene is not to be critics or bask in their beauty nor to necessarily uncover their individual meanings. Instead, because they are representative of some the oldest known drawings, we hope they may help us to grapple with the question: why we draw.

In my earlier post “Very Old Art” I called attention to James Harrod’s speculative analysis of Oldowan tool making. Harrod’s perspective opens the possibility that ‘art,’ far from being a diversion, entertainment or past-time, is better understood to be a basic defining characteristic/perspective of people. That characteristic lies in the apparent anxiety felt by Homo Habilis in his effort to make a better and sometimes more beautiful edge.

I extended Harrod’s analysis by suggesting that the exposure of edges, by snapping chips from a core, was described to be indicative the phenomena of that allows us to lay down an ‘edge’ with a line. Two million years later, more than eighty-thousand generations later, people were swimming in the lines they had created. Lines were everywhere.

The lines of Pleistocene drawings are more complex, and develop more significant and interesting ideas than the edges / lines of the Olduvai tool maker.

We can say this with confidence because, in contrast to the chopped stone tools of Homo Habilis all Pleistocene cave drawings tell stories. The stories are not ‘read’ like a narrative that comes into being in time word after word. Instead, we grasp the drawn stories significance almost instantaneously.

For the artist, the significance of a drawing’s story appears during the making process of drawing using his or her use of edge.  If the image is drawn with skill, the meanings of a drawing will take over. If, with skill, we draw a cat – for example – he or she will not make a significant amount of mental pauses with questions about this or that line, that whisker or the length of the tail. Drawing, is not a halting process involving ‘rules’ that need to be accounted for.

One drawing in Chauvet Cave, indicative of many, shows just how much more complex these edges are. The drawing called “Cave Bear” shows evidence of a sophistication, the kind of which, that has to be developed from years of dedicated practice. By lending detail and emphasis of line, the artist made it clear what he had cared about or what he felt to have the greatest meaning and significance.

What those Pleistocene artists cared about, what they wanted to lend significance to, is not disguised. We immediately recognize that the Cave Bear itself held weight in the artists imagination. The drawing shows the bear to have a huge and imposing head, small ears a large, lumbering body of mussel and bone. There is a sense that the bear is older. It is perhaps hungry. Its skin loosely drapes on its bones and it appears to be wasting away. The thickness of line around the head draws our attention to and lets us know that the artist felt the bear’s face to have significance. We can feel the serious expression artist must have had on his own face in the throws of the drawing as he felt himself to be observer and bear at the same time.

If that paleolithic artist of the cave bear drawing was in a trance, like some early interpreters of this art thought, that trance was very probably of the same nature that skilled craftsmen experience today. All technique will have receded into the background. Moving quickly, the artist will not have felt the charcoal or paint brush in his hands or be able to recall dipping his brush into the paint. Having mastered his tools he freely launches into a dance, or “the zone” within which he pushes forward into bring the weight of significance to the lions, bears and other creatures of his world.

Abbé Breuil, the first professional archaeologist to speculate why these Paleolithic drawings appeared was attracted to their ‘mystery.’ We cannot fault him for that. ‘Mystery’ is an erotic mood within which we feel a looming power that compels us to advance into curiosity.  In ‘mystery’ advancing features appear but on closer inspection recedes leaving us with wishes and gaps. For Breuil mystery was expressed as the cultic ‘mysterium’ of religion.

Breuil, however, is criticized for having too easily accepted an intellectual atmosphere which understood religion to be the basis for significance and that that basis evolved from primitive to civilized. Those late paleolithic artists, according to Breuil, were doing the work of primitive religion.

Breuil laid out a scenario which put focus on the artist as a shamanic figure who drew in order to elicit luck for the hunt. His thesis is summed up as “sympathetic hunting magic.”4 Religion, for Breuil – and many interpreters after him –this  was why these drawings were made.  Breuil left a narrative of hunting and initiation rites which now, fifty years later – in most quarters – is understood to have little basis in fact.5

Breuil’s theological argument wanted to lend weight to the notion that ‘significance’ lies before and behind the art.  The significance of Paleolithic art, according to Breuil, lies within the artists mind, before the art as some kind of god, the gods or the sacred and fills it with significance. In the same sense, significance lies behind the drawing as hidden meaning yet to be uncovered by its observer.
If these drawings were not executed by shamans or priests why were they drawn? One alternative, is “art for art’s sake.”6  In a 1987 paper anthropologist John Halverson argues that “art for art’s sake” may be the best explanation for cave art of the Europe’s Pleistocene. Halverson’s “art for art’s sake” is founded on the principal that Pleistocene ‘art’ is not really what we would call ‘art’ but, instead pre-art play that is, in emphasis, representation. Pleistocene ‘art’ is not ‘art,’ according to Halverson because, these paintings – being at the spring of art – were merely a kind of plaything with which their artists took pleasure and marveled in their ability to represent.

Halverson supposes that the drawings look like animals of their environment but otherwise, have little or no significance. Paleolithic art is empty. By this suggestion the ‘appearance’ of an artwork lets function a container that needs to be filled but by itself it has little significance.
His discussion largely ignores the phenomena itself. It is reveling to Halverson’s argument that no individual image is described in depth. Yet, it is to the images that we are drawn and let us care about the world that created them.

Though some meanings of these paleolithic paintings are, in part, due to unrecoverable anecdotes of a Pleistocene world, we need only look at the images for the greater weight of their significance.  In my discussion of the cave bear I have already described the complexity and significance that pour out of the drawing. We do not need to fill the drawings with meaning or ‘translate’ them into words for their meaning to exist. In addition to paying attention to accumulating archaeological facts about the paleolithic artists we need only have empathy for the broadest dimensions of being situated in our familiar worlds of people, animals, earth and sky to recognize significance within the figure of the cave bear.

Religion or art for art’s sake are situational explanations. Each are dependent on a particular conditions in time and space and each, to a certain extent are factual explanations for which evidence will accumulate. No narrative explanation is absent of time and space. Still, if we ask “why we draw” we are in need of a basis upon which drawings ever come to be. The next post will explore in greater detail the basis upon which why drawings come to be.

Notes:

1. Suggested by taphonomy. Taphonomy is a branch of science that studies decay: http://cogweb.ucla.edu/ep/Art/Bednarik_94.html

2. Mark Galbart paraphrased findings of Guthrie. http://markgelbart.wordpress.com/tag/r-dale-guthrie/ in chapter 3 of R. Dale Guthrie. The Nature of Paleolithic Art. University of Chicago Press.  2005. 3 R. Dale Guthrie presents convincing evidence that most late Paleolithic cave artists were male.  See his The Nature of Paleolithic Art, Chapter 3. “Tracking Down the Paleolithic Artists.” There, and in the next chapter “Testosterone Events and Paleolithic Imagery.”

4. Parkington, John. Symbolism in Paleolithic Cave Art. in The South African Archeological Review. Vol. 24. No. 93, 1963. pp. 3-13. Parkington compares two approaches to European cave art, Brule’s who focuses on religion and ritual and Leroi-gourhan who takes a structuralist approach and, like Strauss’s analysis of myth seeking and finding symmetries. Leroi-gourhan finds spatial patterns within the caves which appear to be a ‘rule’ used throughout caves in the Vézère valley.

5. This according to Guthrie.

6. Halverson, John. Art for Art’s Sake in the Paleolithic. Current Anthropology. Vol. 28. No. 1, Feb. 1987. pp. 63 – 89.

Why We Draw: Very Old Art

The most ancient known ‘artwork’ is a red jasperite pebble that fits within a closed fist. The pebble is worn and polished. It has two deep-set holes appearing to be the eyes of a brooding, slightly angry face. In the center of the stone is the slight indentation suggesting a nose. Below it, a gaping mouth.

The pebble was originally found by a curious Australopithecus on the bank of a river and brought to Makapangat Cave. There, in South Africa, until found by an amateur archeologist, it rested for some two million years next to the fossilized remains of its caretakers.1

The Makapangat pebble, is a ‘manuport’ – a carried art object – and the oldest type of surviving artwork. This manuport was not made into a face but was recognized to have the features of a face. As an artwork it works like the ‘bull’ made by Picasso out of a bicycle’s seat and handlebar or the pareidolia with which we read the shape of gods and squirrels into the clouds.

Within the same time horizon are the stone tools, shards “cores and flakes” and a number of stones appearing to resemble baboons left by Homo Habilis. Homo Habilis is famous for being excavated by the Leakeys at Olduvai Gorge. “Lucy” was the best known of the species.

The cores and flakes of Homo Habilis are comparable but not at all representative to animal tools. James Harrod writes, how chimpanzee tool-use differ.2 Chimp tool-use, writes Harrod, is ‘expedient’ were as human tool use is planned. A well known example of chimpanzee tool-use involves sticks for excavating termites. When a chimp finds a large termite nest he seeks a stick to ‘attack’ the nest only in that moment. He does not carry a stick with him anticipating termites, nor, and more to the point, does he spend time fashioning a stick with the anticipation of using it later.

Homo Habilis did anticipate and in that anticipation spend time crafting tools. Unlike the chimp, there had already been a tradition of tool making, within which tools were manufactured.

Further, the tool makers of Olduvai Gorge left clear categories of tools. Among them are awes, scrappers, points and hammers. Harrod also points out that the tools themselves were intentionally crafted in the sense that many of the tools – not all – assumed symmetry, a careful attention to edge and surface that demonstrate a care transcending the construction of mere tools. It seems that Homo Habilis took pleasure in making these things, and felt an anxiety about making a ‘good’ tool.

The process that Homo Habilis used to make tools bears on “why we draw” because the process of separating flakes from a core is little different than that of drawing. In drawing there is a figure and ground. In Olduvai toolmaking there is the core and the flake. Both figure/ground and Core/flake represent a negotiation between two ‘regions.’ Harrod calls the thinking that the Olduvai toolmaker does, in this regard, “dialectical.” Hitting on an important relation between figure/ground or core/flake the dialectic, here,  suggests a back and fourth between two equal spheres. Harrod uses the term to emphasize the fact that both cores and flakes were significant.

When we draw the image of a tree on a white sheet of paper both sheet and line support the other. Flakes are snapped away by the tool maker. The tool’s edges, like the drawn line that distinguishes ‘tree’ lets some-thing emerge. Richard Serra, an expert draftsman and sculptor, famous for his ‘Tilted Arch’ describes the significance of ‘edge’ with which the ancient tool and drawing have in common: “… I went to Paris and happened to Brancusi’s studio, and what I noticed about Brancusi is the way the shapes formed on the edge, the way they push out to space, that’s a condition of drawing. I mean all edges are condition of drawing.”3

Homo Habilis’ tool use has a bearing on the ‘why we draw’ because as we examine their well worn tools we can recognize a way orienting towards the world that corresponds to humanity, now,  two million years later. The essential similarity is that all people, Homo Habilis included, lived in a wold of significance and, observing that this kind of process had occurred at least two million years ago makes it less likely that ‘art’ is a product of leisure. Significance is opened, made apparent, by what Harrod recognized in those ancient “cores and flakes” as well as the “edges” defined in a Brancusi sculpture and a drawing that any of us make on a sheet of paper.

At best it is probably an incidental point that no ‘drawings’ survive Homo Habilis. They might very well have drawn figures into wood or a now badly worn slab of stone. In a similar vein the Leakeys suggest that, by inspection of tool edges and other means, the these ancient inhabitants Southeast Africa were likely to have made baskets of vegetable material as well as ties and containers with skin.4 None of these things have survived.

To find our most ancient, surviving ‘drawings,’ we have to take a more than million year forward leap. The earliest surviving drawings are to be found in Europe, India and Australia. They were drawn on the walls of caves. Then, glaciers covered all of the British Isles, the northern half of present Germany, Russia and, surrounded the Himalayas. The most famous, and possibly the most ancient, are in Chavet Cave, France. These drawings are date to 32,000 years before the present. Drawings of a competing antiquity are those in the Apollo 11 Cave, Africa (26, 000 to 28, 000 BP), and drawings within the Australian Malangine Cave which date to 28, 000 BP. Drawings in India’s Bhimbetka Auditorium Cave date from the same general time period.5

My next post, Why We Draw 2, will look at these well known pleistocene drawings as a way to approach why it is that we draw.

Notes:

1. Makapansgat Cave is located at Makapansgat and Zwartkrans Valleys, northeast of Potgietersrust in Limpopo province, South Africa. The stone, was found in 1925 by an ad-vocational archeologist and described years later (dates differ) by another, though better practiced ad-vocational archeologist, Raymond Dart. The Makapansgat pebble is described in detail by Bednarik.

2. Harrod, James. “Two Million Years Ago: The Origin of Art And Symbol” in Continuum 2,1:4-293

3. Transcript of the John Tusa Interview with Richard Serra, Radio 3 BBC,

http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio3/johntusainterview/serra_transcript.shtml

4. Harrod. pp. 7

5. R. G. Bednarik suspects that some images within Bhimbetka’s Auditorium Cave may be the earliest of all known rock art. See: Bednarik, R. G. Earliest Evidence of Palaeoart. in Rock Art Research. Vol. 20 No 2. 2003.

Looms and Blooms

While seeking a quote for my a post on an upcoming post, Why We Draw, I revisited a CBC interview with Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor. The series, in five parts, is named after his 1991 Massy Lectures entitled “The Malaise of Modernity.”1 Its core ideas bear on Loom Crisis. In the fourth part of this series he describes how modernism is “cross pressured” by both romanic and technological impulses. The orientation of all moderns, according to Taylor, lies somewhere between a faith in technology and less measurable things such as taking pleasure in “the blooms of nature.”2 None of us fully buy into one or the other perspective. We moderns, no matter how embedded in the power and pleasures offered by the instrumentalist of modern technologies fail to recognize the significance of a grizzly bear, the sight offered by a blooming flower, or a well crafted pot. Likewise, we will be hard pressed to find a ‘romantic’ refusing to participate in a world of cheap mechanized transportation, modern medicine or even the availability of resources to be found on the internet. According to Taylor modernism offers not merely one or the other perspective but the opportunity to participate and juggle various perspectives within the world.

Loom Crisis described what had happened between the beginning of the nineteenth century, with the introduction of mechanical looms that replaced a hand-craft culture and, with a positive spirt of nostalgia – forty years later – that created the British Arts and Crafts movement. The Arts and Crafts movement created an environment where hand-craft could be practiced and valued. It, like actions taken by the Luddites, was a moral project. The Luddites were not seeking a past golden age of hand-craft. Instead, they sought the preservation of a mode of being in the world that they felt they would soon loose.

The Arts and Crafts sought to restore the order of craft-work lost to the Luddites. Morris’s work within the Socialists League meant to advocate an alternative mode for the manufacture of goods. Instead of alienating factory production, Morris advocated the “the craftsman’s ideal” where designer and maker were the same.3

Though, at the time of the Luddite Revolt, the British parliament enacted draconian laws to prohibit ‘frame breaking’ Charles Taylor reminds us that it would have been unlikely that even those parliamentarians never reveled in a spring breeze or the sound of birds. Nor would it have been likely that they never cared for a well crafted woolen garment.

In our day, in an era of vanishing wilderness, we are more apt to have ‘preservation’ on the tips of our tung. But, personal revelry, being a mood bound up in the recognition of significance, always involves a sense of preservation.

The ‘romantics,’ identified by Charles Taylor, seek to call attention to what we care about in our personal revelries and preserve them. In that stance a ‘romanic’ suggests that we modify the instrumental stance which always leaves out significance. On that note it may be of interest that a 24 year old Lord Byron, and icon of the Romanic movement, spoke to The House of Lords on behalf of the Luddites and against the Frame Breaking Act’s death penalty.4

Charles Taylor s observation that the Modern stance is “cross pressured” between a romanic and technological impulse reminds us to reflect, before we boil over with rage, in the face of apparently intractable opposition.

Notes:

1. This series of interviews, named The Malaise of Modernity was broadcast both in April and August of 2011. Charles Taylor also gave the 1991 Massey Lectures. It was entitled The Malaise of Modernity. The interviewer, listed on the CBC site is David Caley. The website for this interview is: http://www.cbc.ca/ideas/episodes/2011/04/11/the-malaise-of-modernity-part-1—5/

2. Charles Taylor. The Malaise of Modernity, Part 4, 33:24 CBC Radio. Ideas.

3. See Craig, “Gabiral. Altruism, Activism and the Moral Imperative.” from a lecture presented at the Society of North American Goldsmiths. March 11, 2010. Available on the internet at: http://www.scribd.com/doc/28427281/Altruism-Activism-and-the-Moral-Imperative-in-Craft4 In a speech to the British House of Lords, February, 27 1812. A good account of the speech is given by: Franklin, Caroline. Byron. Rutledge. New York. 2007 pp. 9. See also Jennings, George. An Anecdotal History of The British Parliament From the Earliest Periods To Present Time. D. Appleton & Co. New York. 1881. pp. 196.

Loom Crisis

‘Craft’ brings to mind the medieval artisan. That specie of humanity made almost everything by hand. Books were hand written and ‘illuminated’ with illustrations and ornament. Cathedrals, town-halls, fortifications and houses too were built by hand.

A cathedral’s master-builder used templates, a compass, scaffolding, chisels and saws of course and the technology used by the Medieval Master Builder was less complex than that used a thousand years before to build a large temple in the Mediterranean.

Work of the Medieval craftsman was made a fetish by an important Anglophone splinter of the Romantic era called the Arts and Crafts movement. The Arts and Crafts lasted between the mid nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It came about as reaction to opportunities presented by the Industrial Revolution for the mechanical reproduction of home furnishings. The founders of Arts and Crafts felt that the mass production of things represented a moral problem. 1 Pugin, the architect, wrote the idol for the Medieval Craftsman, particularly the Medieval mason. Morris and Ruskin on the other-hand made explicit moral problems introduced by art in the age of mechanical reproduction. This was especially so with Morris, who was drafted as leader of the Socialists League and edited the League’s newspaper Commonweal. Morris argued against a purely aesthetic interest in handy-craft and for an integration of craft-work with an overall improvement in living conditions. Morris writes: “…so long as man allows his daily work to be mere unrelieved drudgery he will seek happiness in vain. I say further that the worst tyrants of the days of violence were but feeble tormentors compared with those Captains of Industry who have taken the pleasure of work away from the workmen.” 2

The Luddites, who preceded the Arts and Crafts movement by forty years, were skilled craftsmen. They also reacted to the Industrial Revolution but in a more aggressive key. The Luddites of Northern England and the Midlands (Derbyshire Cheshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire) smashed new mechanical looms, agricultural machinery and killed a mill owner. Like the leaders of the Arts and Crafts, the Luddites felt that they were fighting to maintain a moral order. 3

Subsequently, with the 1812 Frame Braking act, industrial sabotage was made a capital crime for which, in 1813, fourteen Luddites were hanged. These measures had their intended effect. While isolated frame-breaking surfaced here and there after the hangings, few protests of importance occurred after 1817.

Textile artisans, represented by the Luddites, faced more than job loss; they faced the disappearance of a world of skill associations. They were he kinds of skills and relationships to craft that the Arts and Crafts movement intended to restore and preserve. The Luddites were not against ‘technology’ as a principal goal. Instead, with the introduction of mechanized textile mills workers had to give up the autonomous relationship to their work as well as carefully developed skills. That pre-industrialized relationship allowed them to take pleasure in the work-at-hand and a world of associations that made their craft meaningful. The new skills and relationships developed with the ‘frames,’ of the industrial mill may not have been entirely without pleasure or significance. However, the production and craft was no longer controlled by the individual craftsperson. Nor were the machine-made fabrics made within their own shop. Instead that work and its compass of associations was controlled by the mill owner.

The Arts and Crafts, especially Morris responded, forty years later, to the aftershock of industrialization felt directly by the Luddites.
Cultural meaning – significance and orientation – rarely, if ever, shifts gradually. Instead, like shifting plates of the earth’s surface, it takes dramatic leaps in the context of struggle. In this case significant changes the world of the textile worker had met the fault -line. Slavery in America ends only with a civil war. The legitimacy of royalty ends with the American and French Revolutions.

Almost every type of work, in recent years, has been changed in significant measure by the computer. An architect’s relation to the drawing board has completely changed. Many architectural offices boast of being “paperless.” Graphic design has become almost entirely digital. And, now, after 2008 we are acutely aware that our world economy is tied to speedy computer transactions.

Because we, as a species, have an ability to transform the world around us world-collapse and transformation will erupt more frequently. With the same abilities that we use to transform the world of production we can question those transformations. This is what the Arts and Crafts movement did. Modernism has imbedded within it a well developed tradition of skepticism. Modern skepticism folds upon ‘disruption’ which often occurs as ‘progress.’ Artists, poets and philosophers have an established place within that critical mirror of progress.

Within the context of architecture, graphic design and even what and how we eat, it is well worth asking, in the key of skepticism, about the conditions and effects of disruptive transformations.

It is worth asking these questions, in this context, at the most basic level. For example: what does it mean to draw by hand, rather than with pixels and what does it mean to set text with lead or a wooden block rather than with the computer. We can can also ask what does it mean to make a meal, by hand, with vegetables of the garden and make wine with local grapes. Most of all we should ask what is it that mean by ‘meaning’ and its associations. This, in emphasis, will be the topic of these essays.

Notes:

1.Chris Nineham of the Socialist Review (UK) describes socialist foundation of William Morris’s perspective: http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/sr196/nineham.htm. For a concise article that shows the tie between the political philosophies Marx and the Arts and Crafts, especially of England see: www.iup.edu/WorkArea/DownloadAsset.aspx?id=37667

2. Fortnightly Review, November 1888. Available online at http://www.marxists.org/archive/morris/works/1888/handcrft.htm

3. Randall, Adrian. Before The Luddites: Custom, Community and Machinery in the English Woolen Industry. Oxford University Press. New York, 2004. pp. 254